CnddFdd Congress Waiting For The Denouement

It will have taken a while for the pot to simmer, as the Burundians ironically like to say. As a matter of fact, the Cndd-Fdd has yet to hold a congress since Révérien Ndikuriyo assumed leadership of the party in February 2021.

The date of the aforementioned congress has been kept in the dark despite being announced multiple times and then postponed each time. The executives' agenda was jam-packed and it was impossible to agree on a location. Despite the journalists' repeated requests, the party's communication unit, which is typically not very "talkative," remained silent.

a situation that persisted until this coming Friday, January 13. In fact, the Ministry of external relations broke this silence by sending a notification that was, to put it mildly, unexpected.

The aforementioned ministry extends an oral invitation to the consular missions and the diplomatic corps to participate in the congress. We will never be able to determine whether the error was a simple oversight on the part of the extremely reserved communication cell.

However, it's still true that senior party officials had differing opinions about inviting representatives from foreign embassies, according to JG, a former deputy. A misunderstanding exists because, in theory, the statutes and internal policies of any political party specify the conditions under which such an appointment is held.

Ironically, this former elected representative of the people said: "If it was a question of respecting the procedures of use, few are the gatherings of the party of the Eagle which would be held.". Another source cautions that there is a chance that there will be forcing at this Sunday's congress given the already noticeable tensions: "In the absence of a consensual vote by show of hands, there is this risk that there will be forcing.".

We shouldn't be surprised by our source's suggestion that one of the topics on the agenda should be the future of the position of secretary general, especially in light of the prerogatives of that position. She speculates, among other things: "It will be a question of knowing whether the current secretary general will be replaced or that his prerogatives as SG will be redefined to have a reduced room for maneuver. What is already certain, supports our source, is that for months, consultations at all levels (municipal, provincial) have never ceased.

Whether it was the "hard wing" of the party or the "reformers," each side has engaged in a ruthless conflict. Objective: to organize their history and support base in order to prevent this date from arriving out of order.

She notes that this is unquestionably true because the President of the Republic made it clear that he found it difficult to accept the idea that a party president can outperform the party. Our source claims that the "reformers" in the camp took advantage of this. The former deputy explains that "the reformers" attempted to alter the texts dictating the party's organizational structures from the bottom up on several occasions, but they were unsuccessful.

They received a resounding no every time they expressed this wish, the author writes. As soon as possible to let go: "The question is whether this obstruction could be lifted since they ultimately reached an agreement on the holding of this congress or that it was the balance of power that prevailed. "For the time being, analyzes this ex-MP, which is certain, is that regardless of the voting mode that will be used (show of hands or secret ballot), the reformers' camp prevails.

"Undoubtedly, reaching a consensus would be ideal. It is understandable that standing up is not a good option when you have the support of the Supreme Commander of the Nation, who is also the party's council of Elders, in the event that that doesn't work.

The final say in any matter belongs to the President of the Republic. ".

The former elected representative of the people explains that President Ndayishimiye has all the cards to complete his mission in the meantime, with the party's central office almost completely renovated with new faces, including the caciques who had just spent more than 10 years, have been replaced. "There is this need to tell anyone that no one is irremovable. It's not just this need to inject new blood," she says in her conclusion.

They express their opinions as follows: Faustin Ndikumana: "The vile personal interests are worth nothing compared to the interests of the population." The president of Parcem thinks that this congress should be an opportunity for the ruling party to reflect on and clarify its goals. The purpose of such a gathering, in theory, is to provide a framework for discussions and exchanges to determine the extent to which the country can find solutions.

And no, a brief moment to settle accounts, as some members of the public are starting to worry. Mr. Ndikumana emphasizes that more than anything, the Cndd-Fdd leaders need to recognize that the times are different now that they have been in power for almost 20 years.

It is no longer necessary to dwell on the past in order to remember what they accomplished for the nation by battling for democracy and a state of law (historical legitimacy). Since they are currently in charge of running the government, it is up to them to establish the legitimacy of their authority through practical means, i.e., by being able to address the socioeconomic issues that the Burundian people are currently experiencing.

The President of the Republic has decided to end the culture of poor governance, which, in his opinion, is the cherry on top. As a result, he adds, this congress should serve as a platform for introducing a new dynamic. "There will always be conflicts between people and differences of opinion.

However, as decision-makers, it is crucial to have this lofty perspective, realizing that one's own narrow personal interests are insignificant in comparison to those of the general public. "The Burundians have their eyes fixed on this meeting for a reason," the speaker continued.

"To the delegates who will be present, know that you have a great responsibility before history," the speaker said before drawing to a close. Given the risks involved, this congress is a crucial turning point that needs to be worked out to prevent the nation from regressing to its old ways.

"We must keep the party and the public institutions apart," said Gabriel Rufyiri. There are factors that give hope for the upcoming congress of the ruling party, according to the president of the Observatory for the fight against corruption and economic embezzlement (Olucome).

This hope, according to him, is supported by political statements and a few of the Head of State's anti-corruption initiatives. Regrettably, these are sporadic actions that in no way can force Burundi to implement significant reforms in the fight against corruption and for good governance.

The corrupt, in the opinion of Olucome's president, continue to lead and demonstrate their strength in relation to public institutions. "We are skeptics, but I'm not denying that it's not possible, given how difficult it is to start reforms right now.

Gabriel Rufyiri recalls that the late President Pierre Nkurunziza had announced the "zero tolerance policy" in 2010, and that as a party, we had agreed to adhere to it. He claimed that there was a list of corrupt individuals who needed to appear in court.

"Subsequently, the party organs convened and decided against contacting a party official because, in their opinion, the party was about to disintegrate. The issue of good governance becomes problematic when the corrupt have more power than the State.

The head of Olucome finds that there is a clear desire on the part of the head of state to fight corruption, but this desire must be based on at least four essential components: a political discourse that must be coherent; the hiring of national and international experts who will provide avenues to follow in terms of reforms; exemplary sanctions against all individuals suspected of being corrupt so that public affairs are respected; and finally, concrete actions. "Based on these four criteria, we think the Cndd-Fdd party has a lot of potential.

If not, we'll remain stationary forever. Gabriel Rufyiri finds that the fact that the Minister of Foreign Affairs extended an invitation to the ambassadors accredited to Burundi to attend the congress in response to their response is sufficient evidence that the Cndd-Fdd wants to act in a party-State manner.

"This is a sign, among others, that the governance level is where we still have a lot of work to do. The party and the government entities need to be kept apart.

It is true that the party in power is that party, but the institutions should not be confused with that party. Mr. Rufyiri asserts that one shouldn't disregard the Eagle Party's organizational structure, though.

In order to make the party function, a system of commissions has been established since Hussein Radjabu's rule. Those who gain from public contracts are the ones who provide these commissions or contributions.

Even those who travel abroad are required to contribute a portion of their mission expenses to the group. This is a problem, in the president's opinion, of Olucome.

"We must destroy everything here. If we want good governance to spread, we must start by altering the way we think, behave, and perceive the world.

It is important to pay particular attention to the questions of who will participate in this congress and who makes the decisions. Conflating the party and the state is heresy, according to Tatien Sibomana.

In theory, he did not have to interfere with the Cndd-Fdd's operations because he is not a member, he acknowledged, but in practice. The actions of Révérien Ndikuriy are one of the reasons given by the former Uprona deputy as to why he reacted in the way he did.

"Through his actions, gestures, and words, there is a risk of believing that there is confusion between the duties and responsibilities of the head of the Executive, in this case, the President of the Republic, and those of the leader of the political party, even when in office.". The note verbale that the minister of foreign affairs sent to the diplomatic and consular corps serves as proof.

"Typically, a Cndd-Fdd congress takes place. Therefore, the party leader has the discretion to invite diplomats if it is a congress, even if it is of the party in power.

However, the Executive is not required to take such action. It was an anomaly in the eyes of the former elected representative of the people because all evidence points to a genuine mix-up between the party and the executive branch or the party and the state.

That's not right, though. "The Executive's objectives are obvious.

And to add: "If the Minister of Foreign Affairs signs a verbal note to this effect, one would think that the Cndd-Fdd affairs are confused with those of the State. Therefore, all Burundians are not required to be members of political parties, and even less so of the Cndd-Fdd. It is heresy to conflate the party with the government, even if that government is led by a party in power.

In response to the fervor surrounding this congress, Mr. Sibomana recollects: "Today, the CNDD-FDD wants to act like a party-state. The party's secretary general (SG) must comprehend that the president of the republic is, above all else, the guardian of all institutions and that he is above all political parties, including the ruling party to which he belongs.

"The president or general secretary of the party, even when in power, must know that he cannot compete with the Chief Executive," the politician continued. Their personalities couldn't be more dissimilar.

The Cndd-Fdd leader himself is comparable to a leader of a small party, he continues, but this is something that people are unaware of. The only distinction is that he benefits from being the leader of the governing party.

He comes to the conclusion that, absent any differences in treatment in terms of politics or even the law, he must have access to the same freedoms and perform the same obligations as other political party leaders.

"Through his actions, gestures, and words, there is a risk of believing that there is confusion between the duties and responsibilities of the head of the Executive, in this case, the President of the Republic, and those of the leader of the political party, even when in office.